Rise of Suu Kyi in Mayanmar and authority of military


Myanmar's ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a landslide victory in the November 8 general election

The party won 397 competitive parliamentary seats, or the same results have been shown in 86 per cent of the total seats. 

As it turns out, this victory has surpassed the NLD's last victory in 2015, in terms of numbers. 

The Central Executive Committee said in a statement that the NLD gradually gained public support from 1990 to 2020 only because of Aung San Suu Kyi's strategy and popularity. 


The NLD has won 398 seats in both houses of parliament this time, up from 390 last time. As it is a competitive seat, the seats are very valuable for forming a government. 

The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, the largest coalition and force in the opposition, won just 33 seats, six fewer than in 2015, and the minority ethnic group won 47 seats.

The NLD needs 333 seats to form the government, with 70 per cent contesting seats. 

In other words, if there is a unilateral vote, if other parties cannot vote, if they are prevented from going to the centre, if there is only one candidate, the seat in that constituency will be excluded from the calculation of the formation of the government of the country. 

Myanmar needs 84 seats for a majority in both houses of parliament. Elections were cancelled in 22 areas due to security risks and 266 seats were given to the army! 

Understandably, the heat of the 2015 election is still there. That election brought Suu Kyi, the so-called daughter of democracy and a Nobel laureate, to power. 

Voters are considering how the Suu Kyi government has ruled the country over the past five years.

Voters voted for the NLD even though Suu Kyi failed to keep her promises in the last election.

 Suu Kyi has failed to make peace with ethnic groups, undertake development work and revise the constitution. 

Although the powerful army blocked Suu Kyi's movement on various issues across the country, the people supported her. 

Over the next five years, Suu Kyi's re-empowerment increased her responsibilities; she needs to take action on at least three major issues. 

The first is to change the constitution. The constitution has kept one-fourth of the parliamentary seats reserved for the army.

 As such, the Burmese constitution is one of the strongest constitutions in the world. 

The change requires the vote or consent of at least one lawyer employed by the military, in addition to a three-quarters vote. Otherwise, no change is possible.

Even if Suu Kyi succeeds in any strategy, if a military coup takes place in the country, democracy may be thrown into a dark well.

 Her second job: to negotiate peace with the rebel groups. There are 135 ethnic groups in Myanmar.

 After independence in 1947, at least 20 groups took up arms against the government. 

Suu Kyi set up a federal system, protected the rights of all, sought to restore peace in the country, and sought no revenge against those who killed her father at the age of 32.

In the federal process, minority ethnic groups want to leave their armed forces in the hope of autonomy. 

But the army wants to link all such armed groups to the country's border guards. And the third issue is a religious conflict.

 In 2016, more than 700 thousand Muslim Rohingyas were tortured and compelled to be refugees. 

In 2019, Suu Kyi denied allegations of genocide and torture in the International Court of Justice. 

The Myanmar army did not do so. But before that, many allegations of army killings and torture began to spread in the media. 

Suu Kyi called the allegations against Myanmar "incomplete and misleading factual picture of the situation." 

The media, the government and NGOs are angry with Suu Kyi and the Myanmar army. Those who had been on her side for so long also went against her.

During the election, anti-Muslim and poorly educated monk Ashin Wirathu called on all Buddhist monks to vote against the NLD. 

Wirathu, who has a reputation for extremism, has been pushing for the government to pass a law barring Buddhist girls in Myanmar from marrying believers in other religions.

 Under his leadership, Buddhist monks started a movement. As a result, the government passed the law in 2015. 

In some of these works, Wirathu gained popularity in Myanmar and his message gained the support of the people in many cases. 

With thinks that the upcoming days in Myanmar will be the 'reign of Buddhist monks'. Suu Kyi has accused Wirathu of sedition. 

An arrest warrant was issued in the case. In April 2019, Wirathu said, "Suu Kyi knows how to apply makeup on her face and apply lipstick. 

And she knows how to walk in fashionable clothes and high heels. '

In 2015, Yanghee Lee, a UN envoy, was described by Wirathu as "a whore." Yanghee, a Korean woman, spoke about the human rights of the Rohingya. 

Ko ni, a Muslim adviser to the Suu Kyi government, Wirathu posted on Facebook thanking those who killed Ko ni at the airport. 

Many Myanmar military personnel also disliked Wirathu. 

Wirathu has a lot of allegations against Aung Ko, the minister of religion and culture because according to his opinion, Aung Ko has sided with Muslims. 

Ashwin Wirathu is a crisis for Suu Kyi. Disputes over religion are on the rise. 

Especially because of the conflict, Rohingya Muslims have been subjected to more persecution, leaving the country. 

Wirathu is a major obstacle to Suu Kyi's ethnographic understanding.

Minorities are also an asset to democracy and cultural diversity is the beauty of the country. 

Many are sceptical that Suu Kyi's second term will be effective in dealing with military pressure and genuine democracy. 

The way she has supported the military and extremism on the world political stage has not been praised. Suu Kyi's next political upheaval could stumble if the country's three major issues are not addressed.

According to various international media reports, Suu Kyi is pushing for democracy. Outbreaks of COvID-19 have been reported in Myanmar since last August. 

The lockdown began in Yangon in September. Opposition groups called for a boycott of the election. 

The Election Commission did not agree to that. "Elections are more important than COVID," said Suu Kyi. 

There are still some problems, this time in Myanmar, the electoral battlefield, that is, the Internet.

Suu Kyi is 75 years old this year. Then who will take the helm of democracy, there is no answer. 

This is now Myanmar's biggest economic risk. NLD spokeswoman Monywa Aung Shin said, "In the second term, Suu Kyi may step down leaving the power to an advisory board."

The spokesman said the conflict between the military and Myanmar's politics was certain. 

Kei Nemoto, a professor of modern history at the University of Tokyo, also thinks her party will be powerless if Suu Kyi leaves the NLD. 

Now, the direction that the political government will give and the work that it will do for the country will remain for the next 50 years, say Myanmar experts. 

After winning the election, the NLD called on 48 ethnic groups to form the Democratic Federal Union. Only 11 parties want to sit in the discussion.

 Many parties said the decision could not be made because the letter did not mention details. Before sitting in the meeting in January 2021, nothing is understood about this.

Violent protests continue in Thailand over the politicization of the military. 

Anand Panyarachun, who is running the government and helped the country recover from the 1990s crisis, said it was not a matter of religious or sectarian strife. 

The issue of people's protest can be easily resolved through dialogue. This is a political ideology; Not a matter of war. Myanmar also wants to use this strategy to quell the army and public anger.

Suu Kyi will form a second-term government next March. That said, he wants to bring about constitutional change and negotiate with armed ethnic groups. 

The army does not want the government to continue talks with these armed groups. The NLD can now work on economic reforms that Suu Kyi has been telling the people before the election. 

But investors at home and abroad are not interested in Suu Kyi's words; They do not want to make any investment as they are unhappy with their past activities. 

Mr Vicky Bowman, who was Britain's ambassador to Myanmar from 2002-2006 and is currently an official at the Myanmar Center for Responsible Business, agrees. She added that the NLD government is very slow.

The pace of problems and the pace of government decisions are not parallel. The government wastes time unnecessarily. 

When Suu Kyi took office in 2016, the World Bank announced that Myanmar's GDP would exceed 8.2%, but did not achieve even 7% during Suu Kyi's tenure.

Myanmar has been under military rule from 1982 to 2011. The Army took power during independence from the British queen in 1948; Democracy started in 2011. 

The military junta was ousted on paper in 2010 and the 'People's King' was established. However, the government has to obey the orders of the army. 

Myanmar's ethnic conflict and religious tensions are high. So it would seem like a 'magic game' to settle everything by political talks in that country.

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